Bibliography to the Dissertation: “Neither Refugee Nor Migrant”

I’ve reproduced here the full bibliography for my dissertation project, completed in partial fulfillment of a PhD in Political Science by the Department of Political Science at Northern Illinois University (NIU) in May 2017. The complete dissertation is entitled “Neither Refugee Nor Migrant: Comparative-Historical Study of Burmese Migration into Thailand.”

The full text can be read and downloaded here. The abstract is below, followed by the bibliography. Perhaps, others may find some use with this.

Abstract

By marshaling new empirical evidence and theory from the Thailand-Myanmar border, this dissertation challenges the current refugee-migrant binary discourse that pervades much of the research on human migration across various disciplines. Two millennia of human mobility into, out of, and across the Chao Phraya basin of Thailand are synthesized inductively to argue for a new classification of migration that values causal physicality and identity creation over past typologies that reify some notion of the “labor migrant” or the “refugee.” This historical review is compared to contemporary movements of Burmese- and Karenic-speakers into Thailand, utilizing in-depth interviews with migrants and officials in Thailand (n = 24). Hypotheses are posited about the relationship between predictor variables of past persecution and other demographic differentials against various social, political, economic, and geographic aspects of contemporary migrants. These are tested deductively against a dataset constructed from a larger survey questionnaire of migrants both inside the “refugee” camps and outside the camps on the Thai side of the border (n = 4,000). The study of only “refugees” or only “labor migrants” is a common form of confirmation bias in migration studies today. Acknowledgement of mixed migration as an empirical reality along the Thailand-Myanmar border assists in no small way to combat the confirmation bias inherent in the refugee-migrant binary.

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*Originally published with Northern Illinois University by T. F. Rhoden. Image at the top of this post from H. William Ruback’s website. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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The Last Gods of Indochine

A review by T. F. Rhoden of Samuel Ferrer’s The Last Gods of Indochine.

Exoticism and marketable anguish were an unavoidable trope during Hollywood superstar Angelina Jolie’s premier event last week at Angkor in Cambodia. Amidst the harrowing tales of Khmer Rouge-era suffering, cameras and lights were focused on the actress as she munched on fried “a-ping” zebra tarantulas in one corner of the Angkor temple complex. Such are the sorts of clichés that Samuel Ferrer must—and prudently does—eschew in his enjoyable historical novel The Last Gods of Indochine set in the shadows of Angkor.

The novel unfurls over two distinct and widely separated periods of the Kingdom of Cambodia’s past. The first is embodied by the protagonist Jacqueline Mouhot in her visit to Angkor during the interwar years in French Indochina. The second period is set in opposition to, and ultimately intertwined with, the 13th-century struggles of a peasant by the name of Paaku against a despotic monarch of the ancient Khmer Empire.

Jacqueline Mouhot is the granddaughter of explorer and naturalist grandfather Henri Mouhot (1826-61), whose steps she seeks to retrace after receiving an invitation by the École française d’Extrême-Orient to an opening of a temple restoration project in his honor.  Her story is a familiar one of self-discovery in foreign lands, complicated by the tragic choices she had to make as a volunteer nurse with the Anglo-French Red Cross during the Great War and her struggle to face that earlier period in her life.

The granddaughter Jacqueline and her interactions with her contemporaries in colonial Cambodia are fictional. Many of the names that appear in her travels—archeologists Louis Finot (1864-1935) and Henri Parmentier (1871-1949), curator Henri Marchal (1876-1970), and the White Russian soldier and historian Victor Goloubew (1878-1945)—are however historical. They all represent a bygone era during which to be a professional “Orientalist” did not immediately connote a problematic image of western imperialism.

The story itself is driven not so much by the adventures of Jacqueline, but rather by the preternatural connection she has with… [click here to continue to read full text]

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*Originally published in Asian Review of Books by T. F. Rhoden; photo image credit of Angkor Wat for this re-post goes to the talented Randall Collis. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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Death of a Monarch or an Oligarch?

At the end of a king’s long reign, it won’t just be a game of thrones that plays out in Thailand – it will be a game of gold.

The Associated Press recently published an article on the “Thai monarchy’s billions.” This makes for an important, if brief, reminder that there is more than just the power of quasi-governmental position or the power of ideology to the elite role that the late monarch held within the Thai polity.

Because the King could also readily command a power of mobilisation and could have, at least theoretically, commanded a certain power of coercion if the Thai nation were to ever actually slip into a prolonged, violent emergency, he also commanded a remarkable degree of power in terms of raw material wealth.

An extreme concentration of material wealth has political consequences. Thailand, in this regard, is no different than any other polity across the globe. What is unique about Thailand is that its wealthiest citizen also happened be the focal point of so many other bases of elite power. The late monarch was both an elite and an oligarch. And as he was arguably the top elite amidst a network of various elites, he was also the top oligarch.

Thus, as objectively and level-headed as one can be about such things, we should do well to review the state of Thailand’s oligarchy at this juncture of the late monarch’s—the late top oligarch’s—death.

As a side note on motivation for this piece, it should also be plainly stated that one does not mull over economic inequality simply for the sake of getting a pat on the back by our overly-represented, Left-leaning colleagues in academia. Nor does one do this in order to conjure up even rarer arguments for the late monarch’s well-recorded and, at times, patently undemocratic tendencies. Rather, one ought to review the late King’s material wealth as social power simply because in Thailand it is an empirical fact that money matters quite a great deal on the political stage, both locally and nationally.

With the King’s passing, what has changed about oligarchy in Thailand? What has stayed the same? Beginning with the latter, the overall structure of oligarchy has not changed within Thailand since Thursday, 13 October 2016.

There are still incredibly… [click here to continue to read full text]

*Originally published in New Mandala by T. F. Rhoden; any original credit for image/photo at the top of this post via Bloomberg. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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Migrant Labor Activists Plan for the 2020 Election in Myanmar

Over two million Burmese migrants in Thailand were left out of Myanmar’s 2015 election. Will it happen again in 2020 ?

The Union Election Commission of Myanmar reported turnout at 69 percent for the historic 2015 elections within the country. Outside of the country, the story was very different. Fewer than 20,000 external voters engaged their political right at the ballot box abroad. This amounted to less than one-tenth of 1 percent of the over four million people who compose the Burmese diaspora.

“We labor migrants and refugees were simply considered not important enough by the previous Burmese government to be involved in the elections last year,” says a Bangkok-based migrant and labor rights activist from Myanmar, who wishes to stay anonymous due to her illegal status in Thailand.

Burmese migrant activists have begun meeting to plan for the next election four years away. They want a much higher rate of turnout for absentee voters for the next election.

A recent example of this foresight was an open letter from a network of migrant associations operating in Bangkok to Aung San Suu Kyi, state counselor of Myanmar. The open letter was meant to coincide with her official June 2016 visit to Thailand. Though the majority of recommendations were about more immediate concerns of migrant labor rights for Burmese citizens who make the trek to Thailand for work, the letter also included important recommendations for an extension of absentee suffrage. Migrant associations specifically requested guarantees for inclusion in future national elections.

Suu Kyi did not publicly address the absentee suffrage challenge during her visit like she did other migrant labor problems. Yet the fact that politically active Burmese in Thailand included this in their letter already demonstrates their concern with “not losing this opportunity again” for potential external votes to be counted in the next general election.

Lowering Costs for Migrants

In terms of Myanmar’s… [click here to continue to read full text]

*Originally published in The Diplomat by T. F. Rhoden; image-photo credit for this post via Channel NewsAsia. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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Who Would Voters with No Votes Vote For?

An exercise in extending absentee suffrage for Myanmar’s citizens abroad.

The 2015 election in Myanmar marked a major milestone in the country’s political transition and return to democracy. But some people were left out of the historic vote.

The reasons to not allow an individual to vote are as much a part of the history of all our great liberal democracies as they are a continual reminder to remain vigilant for those of us who may have lost that right somehow. In the past, some of us did not own property, were not the right kind of ‘white’ (Northern European), were not men, a tad too tanned or rather much too noir, or simply too young to vote — yet not too young to make the ultimate sacrifice in “foreign war.”

If the above reflects too much of the Western experience, then one could also include reasons like class, religion or lack of, language or dialect, caste, cult, ideology, marriage status, education level, sexual preference, and on and on.

Think of some ridiculous social cleavage, some cultural hang-up of yesteryear, and the astute comparative political scientist will ultimately be able to pluck another tawdry example from an even more exotic, backward republic. Give the polity an election and it will collectively vomit out some new excuse for democratic exclusion come election day.

But how does one analyse the individual who once had a political right and has now lost it? How about the individual who lost the right to vote for no reason other than not being at the right place at the right time on election day? A loss on grounds of a technicality—of logistics?

In Myanmar’s 2015 election, they had a constitutional mechanism ready to thwart such a possibility. In the 2010 House of Representatives Election Law, a provision exists in Chapter IX, section 45 to 47, which allows for an “advance ballot.” This is meant to assist those citizens who are bedridden, who may be out of the township on business, or who may be even so far away as to be beyond the territorial sovereignty of the state. Though what is legislated through Parliament and what is effected via on-the-ground operations, alas, proved to be very different.

Of those who were registered… [click here to continue to read full text]

*Originally published in New Mandala by T. F. Rhoden; image-photo credit for this post via ITV. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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Yangon’s Stock Exchange in Comparative Analysis

Abstract

In the political sphere, the citizens of Myanmar have witnessed and taken part in an expanding and deepening process of democratization and political liberalization in the past few years. In the economic sphere, changes are also underway that indicate a growth of economic liberalism. One part of that process is a slowly increasing financialization as indicated by the new Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX) set to begin trading operations in late 2015.

This paper will analyze what this new stock exchange means for the citizens of Myanmar by placing it within a regional comparative analysis of stock markets across Southeast Asia, including the Ho Chi Minh City Stock Exchange (HoSE), the Hanoi Stock Exchange (HNX), the Lao Securities Exchange (LSX), and the Cambodia Securities Exchange (CSX). The main argument is that despite calculable risks in terms of business transparency and national politics, the potentialities for a successful YSX are in place. The main socioeconomic conditions that warrant investment, both from the domestic as well as international perspective are 1) the depth and diversity of Myanmar’s adult population size, 2) Myanmar’s rallying industrial sector, 3) Burmese businesses’ current lack of bank financing, and 4) Burmese citizens’ little-to-no holdings in financial assets as compared to other non-financial wealth holdings.

The YSX will not be an overnight success for either domestic Burmese investors or for domestic Burmese enterprises seeking new avenues to finance growth and project investment. However, the systemic socioeconomic conditions are in place for the Yangon Stock Exchange to parallel more closely the experience of the Vietnamese HoSE and HNX than that of the other Indochinese exchanges of LSX and CSX.

Keywords: Yangon Stock Exchange, YSX, Myanmar, political economy, finance, wealth

Introduction

For the first time in its nation’s history, Myanmar will soon possess a full-fledged, independent, and computerized national bourse: the Yangon Stock Exchange (YSX). Though a late start has already been announced, a visit to the neoclassical Palladian building on the southeast corner of Sule Pagoda Road and Merchant Street in Yangon, where the old Reserve Bank of India used to issue banknotes during the 1940s, allows one to see the hustle and bustle of construction and renovation—all evidence that a stock market is indeed going up. Entering from the front stairs and into the center of the building, one sees a large square pit in the center of which will be placed a massive LED screen to display trading activities. To the left, a glass-paneled conference room for future investors is being built, whilst to the right, small rooms to be rented for representatives of underwriters, brokers, and advisors are being partitioned. The press corps will also have their own spot in the balcony. And to the very far right, one sees the shell of a future coff ee shop meant as something of a historical tribute and “for good luck since the world’s oldest stock exchange was in a coffee shop.”

But then again, this is just a building. Though it is a good sign that there is active construction, there is nothing here that suggests at first glance that the Yangon Stock Exchange will be a success. Two other grand-looking buildings in Southeast Asia also house exchanges—these are the Lao Securities Exchange (LSX) off Kampheng Meuang Road in Vientiane, Laos; and the Cambodia Securities Exchange (CSX) along Preah Mohaksat Treiyani Kossamak in downtown Phnom Penh, Cambodia. However, neither of these bourses are, by any standard definition, successful stock exchanges. What might indicate that the upcoming YSX will be different?

To varying degrees, other more successful stock exchanges can be cited in Southeast Asia. Examples include, from newest to oldest: the Hanoi Stock Exchange (HNX); the Ho Chi Minh Stock Exchange (HoSE); the Indonesian Stock Exchange (IDX); the Stock Exchange of Thailand (SET); the Singapore Exchange (SGX); Bursa Malaysia (MYX); and the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE). The two exchanges in Vietnam, unlike the neighboring LSX and CSX, are the best example of stock exchanges begun in the twenty-first century that are performing at, and in some ways exceeding, what a successful stock market exchange means for a developing country in Southeast Asia. The HNX and HoSE have become invaluable to both companies and investors of the capital market in Vietnam. What might indicate that the exchange in Yangon will follow the example in Vietnam as opposed to the one in Cambodia or Laos?

This article contends that despite the many challenges facing the introduction of a new stock exchange in Myanmar, the Yangon Stock Exchange will likely have more in common with… [click here to continue to read full text]

*Originally published in Journal of Burma Studies by T. F. Rhoden; image-photo credit for this post via Frontier Myanmar. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence. 

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Myanmar’s Stock Exchange: Open For Business And Soon To Foreign Investors

…Still, Myanmar had no market infrastructure to speak with, so Daiwa brought in the Japan Exchange Group as a partner, while the Japanese Ministry of Finance helped the Myanmar government draft up a new law to set up the creation of the bourse. According to Masutomo, JPX’s interest in Myanmar was due partly to the fact the Korean Stock Exchange, which had helped set up the Lao and Cambodian exchanges, was so ahead of them in the region.

Today, however, the Lao and Cambodian bourses are seen as a cautionary tale of what the Burmese exchange could become. Skeptics argue that YSX will likely mimic the fate of its neighbors, which both failed to take off after debuting to much acclaim. Each now holds less than 5 stocks.

For T. F. Rhoden, an independent researcher and doctoral candidate at Northern Illinois University, the comparison is misguided, as Myanmar’s population of 54 million people gives it a potential depth of domestic investors that’s much more comparable to Vietnam than Laos or Cambodia. In addition, Myanmar’s $64 billion economy is over three times the size of its smaller neighbors.

The more important lesson from the Lao and Cambodian exchanges is that their failure to enforce strong disclosure procedures and regulation destroyed their credibility. For emerging markets — whether in Asia or elsewhere — the need for international standards of accounting and disclosure is more than ever crucial.

The Yangon Stock Exchange has tried to push for higher standards by asking applicants to appoint compliance officers and set up systems to prevent insider trading, but without stringent regulation of the capital market, it likely won’t be enough.

“The two companies that have listed so far are… [click here to continue to read full text]

*Originally published in Forbes by Fanny Potkin; photo image credit via WTOP. Unless otherwise stated, all posts on this website are under Creative Commons licence.

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